Civil Rewiev

The Domestication of the Civil Sphere

Ádám Nagy — 2025-04-20

In our study, using examples, we examine the Hungarian model of domesticating the civil sector, according to which (Nagy, 2014) the „National Cooperation System” (Nemzeti Együttműködés Rendszere, NER) – the name and frame of the Hungarian governmental model with a two-thirds majority since 2010 – employs a multi-step domestication methodology. The first step involves centralizing funding and exercising control over power. This method proves effective for most civil organizations, as their primary interest is not in political statements but in achieving organizational goals. Consequently, they do not oppose this operational mechanism based on “power” – understood here as funding or its promise. If financial pressure is unsuccessful, the state employs its ever-expanding media arsenal as a pressure tool. At this stage, only those organizations that aim to fulfill the ethos of monitoring state power, alongside traditional civil society roles of participation, service, and oversight, continue to resist. If even this approach fails, the state utilizes its public power tools to enforce the government’s will – primarily seeking to turn off those organizations labeled as hostile. In our study, which methodologically relies on desk research supplemented in several cases with “worst practice” elements, we demonstrate how the interpretability of this model has evolved and solidified into a threefold approach: disqualification, domestication, and direction. The unique office established under the guise of sovereignty protection aligns with this model, which, in our view, supports the execution of this final step. Consequently, our study period spans 2010-2024, with a narrower focus on events between 2014 (following Prime Minister Orbán’s 2014 Tusványos speech) and 2024. Of course, we do not wish to simplify reality into an evil state/NER versus a sound civil society contrast. Still, it is a fact that the Hungarian state has gradually dismantled the democratic institutional system over the past decade, including by narrowing the opportunities for civil society. Overall, we believe that while there are numerous examples of the first tool, even within the imperfect implementation of the democratic model in Hungary, there is hardly any precedent for using the second tool. The deployment of public power tools is characteristic of a non-democratic system.

Foreign policy attitudes and their impact

Péter Kacziba — 2025-04-20

The study examines the attitudes of the Hungarian public towards foreign policy and its impact on policy-making, focusing on the period during and after the Covid–19 pandemic. Its research question is to what extent Hungarian public opinion was in line with the official foreign policy orientation of the government and what policy impact it could have on it. Based on the latter, the paper presents the main orientations of the foreign policy strategy after 2010, explores the centralisation of decision-making, and compares these with the foreign policy preferences and decision-making effects of the Hungarian public, based on primary research findings and secondary measures. The results reveal that the Hungarian government, in criticising the Euro-Atlantic orientation, clearly represented marginal and minority preferences, which, due to the concentration of power, neither the wider public nor foreign policy interest groups were able to influence in any meaningful way.

Activity Of Charity and Civil Society Organizations in Gaza

Manal Mohammed Yousef Hamarsha — 2025-04-20

Many charitable and civil society organizations have made tremendous and extensive efforts during the crisis in Gaza, playing a crucial role in addressing the urgent and critical needs in the region. Despite their inability to meet all humanitarian needs and requirements due to the restrictions imposed on them under current circumstances and war conditions, they have played a significant role and initiated numerous activities in a substantial manner. Non-profit organizations must highlight this role. This article provides a comprehensive theoretical description of the activities of various organizations, including the Reconstruction Alliance, the World Food Programme, the Women’s Program Center in Rafah, ActionAid, USAID, Islamic Relief, and UNRWA. Through this study, we will highlight the efforts of these multifaceted institutions to mitigate and alleviate the crisis, supporting the people of Gaza and emphasizing the importance of both immediate relief and long-term recovery initiatives. This research paper will provide qualitative evidence. Interviews were conducted with staff members of these seven organizations to provide a comprehensive picture. The scale of these organizations' activities and initiatives during the crisis provides a clear understanding of the collaborative and individual efforts between them.In conclusion, this study highlights the crucial role of diverse organizational efforts in addressing the humanitarian crisis in Gaza. The specific focus of each organization, along with coordinated efforts, played a vital role in addressing the complex needs of the affected population. The findings provide valuable insights into the effectiveness of these responses and offer recommendations for strengthening future humanitarian strategies in similar crises.

Breaking the Chains of Fear: Civil Society’s Role in Defying Autocracy and Shaping Bangladesh’s 2024 July Revolution

Mohammad Ashraful Alam — 2025-04-20

This paper explores the critical role of civil society in political change in Bangladesh, with a particular focus on the 2024 July Revolution. The study investigates how civil society organisations (CSOs), grassroots movements, and advocacy groups effectively mobilised opposition against the country’s autocratic regime and fronted democratic change. The research aims to weigh the contributions of these organisations, particularly their role in organising the anti-discrimination student protests, which were pivotal to the revolution’s success. Using a mixed-method qualitative approach, the study draws on interviews with civil society leaders, focus group discussions with activists and protest participants, and an analysis of relevant documents, media reports, and public statements. Key findings expose that CSOs were essential in coordinating the protests, fostering coalitions between various social groups, and utilising digital platforms to swell their advocacy efforts. These engagements contributed to broader civic engagement, weakening the regime’s authoritarian grip. Despite facing awful state suppression, civil society’s nonstop efforts battered the moral authority of the dictatorship, allowing the eventual overthrow of the government. However, the study also admits CSOs' challenges, including state co-optation and control attempts, which limited their effectiveness at specific points. The paper stresses the need for continual support of civil society in authoritarian regimes. It highlights the importance of creating inclusive platforms for dialogue between civil society, political parties, and governmental institutions to prevent authoritarian backsliding. The insights from Bangladesh’s experience provide a framework for understanding civil society’s role in democratic transitions worldwide.

Movement Parties and the Civil Society

Péter Szegedi — 2025-04-20

The Hungarian Two-Tailed Dog Party (MKKP) has become a significant player in Hungary’s party system in recent years. Since the 2024 local elections, the MKKP has increased its representation in local councils and even secured the mayoral position in Budapest's 12th district. Despite these successes at the local level, the party’s national support remains below the parliamentary threshold. As a result, the MKKP must continue to concentrate on local politics, where their policies are closely tied to local civil society. This research aims to analyze the organizational structure of the MKKP using Peter Mair’s and Richard Katz’s “three faces” theory. According to this theory, political parties have three distinct components or “faces”: the party on the ground, comprising activists and local organizations; the party in public office, which consists of party members holding public positions; and the party in the central office, referring to the party leadership. Given that the MKKP is considered a movement party, its connection with civil society is notably more substantial than that of traditional parties. Furthermore, the party’s organizational development is rooted in collective action and community building, fostering a robust activist base that is less susceptible to political apathy. Thus, the MKKP stands out as a political organization capable of mobilizing voters while effectively representing the interests of civil society. Additionally, this study will examine how MKKP representatives engage with civil society within various districts of Budapest.

An attempt to encourage and institutionalize citizen participation in Miskolc between 2019–2024

Virág Havasi — 2025-04-20

The study presents the process that took place in Miskolc between 2019 and 2024, during which the municipality aimed to establish and deepen the culture of social participation in the city. To this end, the Office of Social Participation was created under the leadership of the referee responsible for civil participation. The concept of citizens' participation was developed in consultation with members of civil society, which the General Assembly unanimously endorsed. Subsequently, several participation methods were tested. Some of these latter innovations were integral to democratic processes, including citizens' assemblies, participatory budgeting, and city hall meetings. In contrast, other traditional means of participation included citizens' forums and public hearings. However, some methods focused on community development, including community initiatives, community discussions, community surveys, and social hackathons. Other postmodern means of social participation were also applied. Social participation had begun to be integrated into the municipality's operations, primarily thanks to the openness of the chief architect's cabinet, which willingly involved itself in many processes. Cooperation with the Department of City Maintenance and the institution providing cultural services has also started. A local government decree was established regarding the socialization procedure, and a proposal was accepted, according to which the city's tenders should be prepared in the future to involve representatives of civil society organizations concerned by topic and/or location in the planning. Although the creation of a system of civil cooperation was included as a goal in the concept of citizens' participation, it was not possible to initiate its operation. Another weak point of the processes was that very few people were involved in the programs, more than the already active citizens of the city, and even some of the latter deliberately withdrew from the participation process in Miskolc due to conflicts and dissatisfaction. This low participation rate was not unexpected; the experts involved in the process had expected significant effects only in the longer term. However, weak performance regarding communication activities also had a role in this low participation.

Dilemmas and bargains

Éva Fekete — 2025-04-20

In the years after 2019, civil organizations and informal communities in Hungary have faced numerous extreme challenges. The pandemic, war, energy crisis, and domestic political shifts have intensified the isolation of already fragmented communities, contributing to the disengagement and regression of individuals and groups from public life. This case study illustrates the adaptation and coping strategies employed by an informal group engaged in environmental advocacy in a county seat in Eastern Hungary during its first five years of voluntary grassroots activities. The case study focuses on an informal group formed in an Eastern Hungarian County seat dedicated to green advocacy and raising environmental awareness. It examines the group’s activities and operations through how tensions with local politics shaped their internal processes, communication, and decision-making. The analysis highlights their grassroots organizing efforts, integration into the local community, activities before and after municipal elections, and organizational changes over time. I have observed the group’s work since its inception. The power dynamics evident in the relationship between the local government and the organization piqued my interest. My research allowed me to explore the individual dilemmas of group members, the flow of information along their relational networks, and the differences in their operations before and after elections. I believe these observations provide a compelling snapshot of current Hungarian social processes. This study is a participatory observation-based case study.